Tokenstatus för Mughal -tronen

Tokenstatus för Mughal -tronen


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Mughal -makten började minska efter Aurangzebs död.

Inom 30 år efter hans död förlorade Mughals de flesta av sina sydindiska ägodelar. Nya stater upprättades av 3 främsta adelsmän, Sadat Ali Khan, Murshid ul Kuli Khan och Qamar ud Din Khan, även när tronen såg 8 härskare på 12 år. Men alla uttalade sig själva för att vara trogna mot Mughal -tronen, men var och en var starkare än tronen i Delhi.

Shahujis armé under fördrag med bröderna Sayyid gick helt enkelt in i Mughals huvudstad och avsatte Farrukhsiyar, den härskande kejsaren. Men fördraget handlade inte om att dela byte. Shahuji, i fördraget, gick med på att acceptera styret över Mughal -tronen i Deccan, och i gengäld garanterades Swaraj, självstyre och rätt till inkomst, i samma Mughal Deccan.

Marathas hade effektiv kontroll över mer än 70 % av den indiska subkontinenten 1758. De hade avskedat Delhi flera gånger. Mughal -imperiet, var inte en intressent alls i kraftdynamiken.

Varför hölls de då på tronen som marionetthärskare? Även efter det tredje slaget vid Panipat installerade Ahmed Durrani efter seger, innan han åkte tillbaka till Afghanistan, Shah Alam II som Mughal kejsare och utfärdade firman till alla indiska chefer för att erkänna honom som härskare.

År 1772 eskorterade Mahadji den då avsatta, och till och med blinda Shah Alam II, från Allahabad till Delhi för att krona honom som kung igen. Och sedan fick han kungliga titlar i domstolen och styrde staten i kejsarens namn.

Och många fler instanser. År 1857 stormade sepoys av myteriet in i Delhi, och kejsaren tvingades nästan acceptera att vara ledare för myteri, och därifrån utropade sepoys honom igen till kejsare i Indien. Frågan jag har är varför Mughal -tronen användes som en symbol för att styra i Indien. Varför avskaffades det inte helt och slutade. Varför styrde inte makter i eget namn? Varför var inte Mughal -tronen helt enkelt avskaffad för länge sedan och bleknade i glömska?


Jag hittade något intressant Det här är Benoît de Boigne. År 1783 hade han publik, medan kejsaren i Delhi föreslog upptäckt av nya handelsvägar. Men kejsaren skjöt upp alla beslut. Dagen efter publiken gav en kejserlig förordning Mahadji Sindhia regeringen i provinserna Delhi och Agra. Med andra ord blev Sindhia den kejserliga regenten och den verkliga makten, medan kejsaren Shah Alam, utan att avsättas, nu bara var en figur. År 1790 sammanfattade de Boigne dåtidens indiska politik:

"Respekten för Timurs hus (Moghul -dynastin) är så stark att även om hela subkontinenten har dragits tillbaka från sin auktoritet har ingen furste i Indien tagit titeln suverän. Sindhia delade denna respekt, och Shah Alam [Shah Alam II] satt fortfarande på Moghul -tronen och allt gjordes i hans namn. "

Jag håller inlägget öppet


Med ett ord - prestige; och därmed legitimitet.

Det är en liknande känsla som återupplivade Romarriket efter dess upplösning, först av Karl den store år 800 e.Kr. och sedan ett avbrutet försök av Hitler (det tredje riket) i början av 1900 -talet.

I samtida politik kan man se försök att etablera det islamiska kalifatet i ett liknande ljus.


Jag läser för närvarande indisk historia från 800AD till 1500AD. Vad jag hittade är att när någon förklarade sig vara härskare, kommer andra att förena sig i att attackera dem och drabba den nämnda härskarfamiljen. Det är lättare att styra i namnet på någon avlägsen marionetthärskare och samla in intäkter och inte bry sig om de grymheter som de begicks i kejsarens namn.

Det är mina egna tankar och jag har inga artiklar för att stödja detta.


Nedgång av Mughal Empire i Indien

Indiens såväl som världens historia har delats in i tre perioder: forntida, medeltida och moderna.

Aurangzebs död tros ha markerat början på den moderna perioden. Denna historia ses sluta med självständighet 1947.

Är ‘modern ’ en adekvat och acceptabel term för att beskriva denna historiska period?

Även om vi kan hänvisa till olika historiska perioder, där förändringar inträffade och särskiljande egenskaper framträdde, kan vi inte fastställa exakta datum för någon specifik period. Varje period föddes ur den föregående. Men gradvis utvecklade var och en sina egna särdrag.

Bildkälla: c14608526.r26.cf2.rackcdn.com/A91D9F3E-BDD2-44A7-A1F1-6614AF4C11FD.jpg

Idén om det ‘moderna ’ har kommit från väst. Det är förknippat med utvecklingen av vetenskap, förnuft, frihet, jämlikhet och demokrati. Om vi ​​använder termen ‘modern ’ för perioden med brittiskt styre i Indien, accepterar vi att dessa principer infördes i Indien av britterna.

Ett alternativt sätt är alltså att karakterisera denna period som ‘kolonialen ’. Upprättandet och spridningen av brittiskt styre och den medföljande omvandlingen i den politiska, ekonomiska, sociala och kulturella världen är alla en del av denna koloniala regel.

Nedgång av Mughals:

Perioden för Great Mughals, som började 1526 med Baburs tillträde till tronen, slutade med Aurangzebs död 1707. Aurangzeb ’s död markerade slutet på en era i indisk historia. När Aurangzeb dog var Mughals imperium det största i Indien. Men inom ungefär femtio år efter hans död sönderdelades Mughal Empire.

Aurangzebs död följdes av ett successionskrig bland hans tre söner. Det slutade i segern för den äldste brodern, prins Muazzam. Den sextiofem år gamla prinsen besteg tronen under namnet Bahadur Shah.

Bahadur Shah (1707 e.Kr.-1712 e.Kr.):

Bahadur Shah följde en kompromiss- och försoningspolitik och försökte förena Rajputs, Marathas, Bundelas, Jats och Sikhs. Under hans regeringstid blev Marathas och Sikhs mer mäktiga. Han fick också möta uppror från sikherna. Bahadur Shah dog 1712.

Succeskrig, som hade varit ett vanligt inslag bland Mughalsna, hade blivit mer akuta efter Bahadur Shahs död. Detta var speciellt så eftersom adelsmännen hade blivit mycket mäktiga. Olika fraktioner av adelsmän stödde rivaliserande fordringar till tronen för att kunna inta höga poster.

Jahandar Shah (1712 AD-1713 AD):

Jahandar Shah som efterträdde Bahadur Shah var svag och inkompetent. Han kontrollerades av adelsmän och kunde bara styra i ett år.

Farrukhsiyar (1713 AD-1719 AD):

Farrukhsiyar besteg tronen med hjälp av Sayyid -bröderna som i folkmun kallades ‘king makers ’. Han kontrollerades av Sayyid -bröderna som var den verkliga myndigheten bakom Mughal -makten. När han försökte befria sig från deras kontroll, dödades han av dem.

Mohammad Shah (1719 AD-1748 AD):

Sayyiderna hjälpte Mohammad Shah att bestiga den 18-åriga sonsonen till Bahadur Shah till tronen. Med hjälp av Mohammad Shahs svaga styre och den ständiga rivaliteten mellan adelns olika fraktioner etablerade några mäktiga och ambitiösa adelsmän praktiskt taget oberoende stater. Hyderabad, Bengal, Awadh och Rohilkhand erbjöd men nominell lojalitet till Mughal -kejsaren. Mughal Empire bröt praktiskt taget upp.

Mohammad Shahs långa regeringstid på nästan 30 år (1719-1748 e.Kr.) var den sista chansen att rädda imperiet. När hans regeringstid började var Mughal -prestige bland folket fortfarande en viktig politisk kraft. En stark härskare kunde ha räddat dynastin. Men Mohammad Shah var inte lika med uppgiften. Han försummade statens angelägenheter och gav aldrig fullt stöd till skickliga wazirer.

Nadir Shahs invasion:

Indiens tillstånd med dess inkompetenta härskare, svaga administration och dåliga militära styrka lockade utländska inkräktare. Nadir Shah, härskare i Persien, attackerade Punjab 1739. Mohammad Shah besegrades lätt och fängslades. Nadir Shah marscherade mot Delhi. Nadir Shah var en grym inkräktare.

Han massakrerade tusentals människor i Delhi. Delhi såg öde ut i dagar. Mohammad Shah återinfördes emellertid på tronen. Nadir Shah bar med sig Kohinoor -diamanten och påfågeltronen i Shah Jahan. Genom att plundra en storstad som Delhi fick han enorm rikedom.

Nadir Shahs invasion gav ett krossande slag mot det redan växlande Mughal -riket och påskyndade dess upplösning. Mohammad Shahs kungarike var praktiskt taget begränsat till Delhi och dess grannskap. Han dog 1748.

Mohammad Shah efterträddes av ett antal ineffektiva härskare Ahmad Shah (1748-1754), Alamgir II (1754-1759), Shah Alam II (1759-1806), Akbar II (1806-1837) och Bahadur Shah II (1837-1857) ). Under styrelsen av Alamgir II utkämpade East India Company Slaget vid Plassey 1757 och besegrade Siraj-ud-Daulah, Nawab i Bengal. De fick därmed fotfäste i Bengal.

År 1761, under Shah Alam II: s regering, invaderade Ahmad Shah Abdali, den oberoende härskaren i Afghanistan, Indien. Han erövrade Punjab och marscherade mot Delhi. Vid denna tidpunkt hade Marathas utvidgat sitt inflytande till Delhi. Därför var ett krig mellan Marathas och Ahmad Shah Abdali oundvikligt.

I det tredje slaget vid Panipat besegrades Marathas helt. De förlorade tusentals soldater tillsammans med sina mycket duktiga generaler. De tvingades dra sig tillbaka till Deccan. Ahmad Shah Abdali ’s invasion försvagade Mughal Empire ytterligare.

Shah Alam II beviljade Dewani i Bengal, Bihar och Orissa till East India Company 1765. Detta gjorde att företaget kunde samla in intäkter från dessa områden. Det visade också att Mughal -auktoriteten erkändes av de indiska härskarna. Mughal -styret upphörde formellt när Bahadur Shah avsattes och deporterades till Rangoon av East India Company (1757).

Orsaker till Mughal -rikets nedgång:

1. Succeskrig:

Mughalsna följde inte någon successionslag som lagen om primogenitet. Varje gång en härskare dog började ett arvskrig mellan bröderna om tronen inleddes. Detta försvagade Mughal Empire, särskilt efter Aurangzeb. De adelsmän ökade sin egen makt genom att ställa sig på en eller annan utmanare.

2. Aurangzeb ’s policyer:

Aurangzeb insåg inte att det stora Mughal -riket berodde på folkets villiga stöd. Han tappade stödet från Rajputs som hade bidragit mycket till imperiets styrka. De hade fungerat som stödpelare, men Aurangzebs politik gjorde dem till bittra fiender. Krigen med sikherna, Marathas, Jats och Rajputs hade tömt resurserna i Mughal Empire.

3. Svaga efterträdare av Aurangzeb:

Efterträdarna till Aurangzeb var svaga och blev offer för intriger och konspirationer av de fraktionsägda adelsmännen. De var ineffektiva generaler och oförmögna att undertrycka uppror. Frånvaron av en stark härskare, en effektiv byråkrati och en kapabel armé hade gjort Mughal -riket svagt.

4. Tom Treasury:

Shah Jahans iver för konstruktion hade tömt statskassan. Aurangzebs långa krig i söder hade ytterligare tömt statskassan.

5. Invasioner:

Utländska invasioner ökade Mughals återstående styrka och påskyndade sönderfallsprocessen. Invasionerna av Nadir Shah och Ahmad Shah Abdali resulterade i ytterligare dränering av rikedom. Dessa invasioner skakade själva stabiliteten i riket.

6. Imperiets storlek och utmaning från regionala makter:

Mughal -riket hade blivit för stort för att kontrolleras av någon härskare från ett centrum, dvs. Delhi. The Great Mughals var effektiva och utövade kontroll över ministrar och armé, men de senare Mughalsna var dåliga administratörer. Som ett resultat blev de avlägsna provinserna oberoende. Framväxten av oberoende stater ledde till upplösningen av Mughal Empire.

De senare Mughal härskarna (1707 e.Kr.-1857 e.Kr.):

Uppkomsten av oberoende stater på 1700 -talet:

I och med att Mughal -riket gick tillbaka, separerade ett antal provinser från imperiet och flera oberoende stater uppstod.

Hyderabad:

Delstaten Hyderabad grundades av Qamar-ud-din Siddiqi, som utsågs till Viceroy of the Deccan, med titeln Nizam-ul-Mulk, av kejsaren Farrukhsiyar 1712. Han etablerade en praktiskt taget oberoende stat men återvände till Delhi under kejsar Mohammad Shahs regeringstid. År 1724 utnämndes han till Viceroy of the Deccan med titeln Asaf Jah. Han grundade Asaf Jah -dynastin. Hans efterträdare var kända som Nizams i Hyderabad.

Asaf Jah styrde Deccan med en fast hand, krossade de upproriska och mäktiga zamindarna och inrättade en stark administration. Han satte sin nominerade, Anwar-ud-din, på Arcots tron. Efter hans död 1748 blev Hyderabad ett lätt byte för mäktiga grannar. Europeiska handelsföretag började blanda sig i inrikespolitiken i Hyderabad för sina egna själviska vinster.

The Carnatic:

Carnatic var en av provinserna Mughals i Deccan och var under myndighet av Nizam i Hyderabad. Men i praktiken var Carnatic praktiskt taget oberoende under sin nawab.

Bengal:

Bengal på 1700 -talet omfattade Bengal, Bihar och Orissa. Murshid Quli Khan var Diwan i Bengalen under Aurangzeb. Farrukhsiyar utsåg honom till Subedar (guvernör) i Bengalen 1717.

Med fördel av den centrala myndighetens växande svaghet blev Murshid Quli Khan praktiskt taget oberoende. Murshid Quli Khan (1717-27) och hans efterträdare Shuja-ud-Daula (1727-39) och Alivardi Khan (1739-1756) gav Bengal en lång period av fred och stabil administration.

Alla dessa tre härskare uppmuntrade till handel men höll strikt kontroll över de utländska handelsföretagen. Alivardi Khan tillät inte engelska och franska handelsföretag att befästa sina ägodelar i Bengal.

Nawaberna i Bengalen lyckades dock inte bygga upp en stark armé och flotta. De misslyckades också med att förhindra korruption bland tjänstemännen. De förstörde inte heller östindiska kompaniets tendens att använda våld. Deras okunnighet om situationen i Europa visade sig vara kostsam. Bengal var den första provinsen som erövrades av East India Company.

Awadh:

Subah av Awadh omfattade Benaras och några distrikt nära Allahabad. Saadat Khan Burhan-ul-Mulk utsågs till guvernör i Awadh av Mughal-kejsaren. Men han blev snart självständig. Han inrättade en stark administration, krossade makten hos de stora zamindarna och åstadkom lag och ordning i landet.

Hans efterträdare Safdar Jang gav Awadh en lång period av fred och välstånd. Awadh-härskarnas auktoritet sträckte sig till Rohil-khand, ett territorium öster om Delhi.

Mysore:

Tidigt på 1700 -talet styrdes Mysore av en hinduisk kung. Efter kungens död erövrade Hyder Ali tronen. Även om han var analfabet, var Hyder Ali en effektiv administratör. Han blev härskare över Mysore när Hyder Ali det var en svag och splittrad stat.

Men inom en kort tidsperiod gjorde han Mysore till en av de ledande indiska makterna. Han moderniserade armén och utökade sitt rike genom erövringar. Han var tillräckligt stark för att framstå som en brittisk rival.

Rajput -kungadömen:

Med hjälp av Mughal -maktens växande svaghet blev Rajput -staterna praktiskt taget oberoende. Men Rajput -cheferna fortsatte att vara uppdelade som tidigare. De flesta av Rajput -staterna var inblandade i smågräl och inbördeskrig.

Raja Sawai Jai Singh av Amber (1681-1743) var en känd Rajput-härskare. Han grundade staden Jaipur. Han reste också observatorier med exakta och avancerade instrument i Delhi, Jaipur, Ujjain, Varanasi och Mathura. Med Marathas uppkomst började Rajput -inflytandet minska.

Punjab:

Det var under ledning av Guru Gobind Singh, den tionde och den sista gurun av sikherna som samhället blev en politisk och militär kraft. Invasionerna av Nadir Shah och Ahmad Shah Abdali och den efterföljande nedgången i Mughal -makten gav sikherna möjlighet att resa sig. Mellan 1765 och 1800 tog de Punjab och Jammu under deras kontroll. I slutet av 1700 -talet tog Ranjit Singh, chefen för Sukercharia mis, alla sikh -cheferna väster om floden Sutlej under sin kontroll och etablerade ett mäktigt sikh -imperium i Punjab.

Efter Ranjit Singhs död var det förvirring i Sikh -staten. Engelsmännen, som var på jakt efter en möjlighet att utvidga sina territorier, erövrade sikh-riket (1839-40).

Marathas:

Shahuji, barnbarnet till Shivaji, som hade fängslats av Aurangzeb, släpptes av Bahadur Shah 1707. Maratha -staten styrdes av Tara Bai, drottningens regent. Ett inbördeskrig utbröt mellan de två Shahu vann.

Shahuji utsåg Balaji Vishwanath till sin Peshwa eller premiärminister 1713. Balaji Vishwanath koncentrerade all makt i sina egna händer och blev Marathas verkliga härskare. Kungen förflyttades till bakgrunden. Balaji Vishwanath tilldelade Marathas sardarer (chefer) separata områden för insamling av avgifter för chauth och sardeshmukhi.

Balaji Baji Rao (1740-1761) utökade imperiet ytterligare i olika riktningar. Marathakraften nådde sin höjd under honom. Marathas nådde snart Delhi och erbjöd sitt stöd till Mughal kejsaren. Utvisningen av Ahmad Shah Abdali ’s agent från Punjab förde Marathas in i en öppen konflikt med Ahmad Shah Abdali.

Striden mellan de två styrkorna utkämpades i Panipat i januari 1761. Marathorna besegrades fullständigt. Nästan 28 000 soldater dödades. Peshwa dog i juni 1761. Slaget vid Panipat förstörde möjligheten att Marathas framträdde som den starkaste makten i Indien. För britterna var denna strid av enorm betydelse. Maratha -nederlaget rensade vägen för den brittiska makten i Indien.

Det bör noteras att de indiska makterna var tillräckligt starka för att förstöra det eller till Mughal -riket men inte tillräckligt starka för att förena det eller skapa något nytt i stället. Möjligen hade Marathas ensam styrkan att fylla det politiska vakuum som skapades av upplösningen av Mughal Empire. Men de saknade politisk vision och gav efter för brittisk makt.


HISTORIA

Mughal-riket grundades av Babur, en centralasiatisk härskare som härstammade från den turkomongoliska erövraren Timur (grundaren av Timuridriket) på sin fars sida och från Chagatai, den andra sonen till den mongoliska härskaren Genghis Khan, på hans mors sida. [33] Avstängd från sina förfäders domäner i Centralasien vände Babur sig till Indien för att tillfredsställa hans ambitioner. Han etablerade sig i Kabul och drev sedan stadigt söderut in i Indien från Afghanistan genom Khyberpasset. [33] Babur ’s styrkor ockuperade stora delar av norra Indien efter hans seger i Panipat 1526. [33] Upptaget med krig och militära kampanjer tillät dock inte den nya kejsaren att konsolidera de vinster han hade gjort i Indien. [33] Imperiets instabilitet blev uppenbar under hans son, Humayun, som drevs ut ur Indien och in i Persien av rebeller. [33] Humayun ’s exil i Persien upprättade diplomatiska band mellan Safavid- och Mughal -domstolarna och ledde till ökat persiskt kulturellt inflytande i Mughal -riket. Återställandet av Mughal -regeln började efter att Humayun ’s triumferande återkomst från Persien 1555, men han dog av en dödsolycka strax därefter. [33] Humayun ’s son, Akbar, efterträdde tronen under en regent, Bairam Khan, som hjälpte till att befästa Mughal Empire i Indien. [33]

Genom krigföring och diplomati kunde Akbar förlänga imperiet i alla riktningar och kontrollerade nästan hela den indiska subkontinenten norr om floden Godavari. Han skapade en ny klass av adel som var lojal mot honom från militära aristokratin i Indiens sociala grupper, implementerade en modern regering och stödde den kulturella utvecklingen. [33] Samtidigt intensifierade Akbar handeln med europeiska handelsföretag. Indien utvecklade en stark och stabil ekonomi, vilket ledde till kommersiell expansion och ekonomisk utveckling. Akbar tillät religionsfrihet och försökte lösa socio-politiska och kulturella skillnader i sitt imperium genom att etablera en ny religion, Din-i-Ilahi, med starka egenskaper hos en härskarkult. [33] Han lämnade sina efterträdare en internt stabil stat, som var mitt i sin guldålder, men innan långa tecken på politisk svaghet skulle dyka upp. [33] Akbar ’s son, Jahangir, styrde kejsardömet som högst, men han var beroende av opium, försummade statens angelägenheter och påverkades av konkurrerande domstolsklickor. [33] Under regeringstiden för Jahangir ’s son, Shah Jahan, nådde kulturen och glansen i den lyxiga Mughal -domstolen sin höjdpunkt som exemplifieras av Taj Mahal. [33] Domstolens underhåll, vid denna tid, började kosta mer än intäkterna. [33]

Shah Jahans äldsta son, liberalen Dara Shikoh, blev regent 1658, till följd av hans fars sjukdom. En yngre son, Aurangzeb, allierade sig dock med den islamiska ortodoxin mot sin bror, som förespråkade en synkretistisk hindu-muslimsk kultur, och steg upp till tronen. Aurangzeb besegrade Dara 1659 och lät honom avrättas. [33] Även om Shah Jahan helt återhämtat sig från sin sjukdom förklarade Aurangzeb honom inkompetent att styra och fick honom att fängsla. Under Aurangzebs regeringstid fick imperiet ännu en gång politisk styrka, men hans religiösa konservatism och intolerans undergrävde stabiliteten i det moguliska samhället. [33] Aurangzeb utvidgade imperiet till att omfatta nästan hela Sydasien, men vid hans död 1707 var många delar av kejsardömet i öppet uppror. [33] Aurangzebs son, Shah Alam, upphävde sin fars religiösa politik och försökte reformera administrationen. Men efter hans död 1712 sjönk Mughal -dynastin i kaos och våldsamma fejder. Bara 1719 steg fyra kejsare successivt upp på tronen. [33]

Under Muhammad Shahs regering började imperiet bryta ihop och stora delar av centrala Indien gick från Mughal till Maratha. Den avlägsna indiska kampanjen för Nadir Shah, som tidigare hade återupprättat iransk överlägsenhet över större delen av Västasien, Kaukasus och Centralasien, kulminerade med säcken i Delhi och krossade resterna av mogulmakt och prestige. [33] Många av imperiets eliter försökte nu kontrollera sina egna angelägenheter och bröt upp för att bilda oberoende riken. [33] Men enligt Sugata Bose och Ayesha Jalal fortsatte Mughal -kejsaren dock att vara den högsta manifestationen av suveränitet. Inte bara muslimska herrar, utan Maratha, Hindu och Sikh ledare deltog i ceremoniella erkännanden av kejsaren som suverän i Indien. [34] Det brittiska företagsstyret började effektivt 1757 efter slaget vid Plassey och varade fram till 1858, och började den effektiva brittiska kolonialtiden över den indiska subkontinenten. Mughal -kejsaren Shah Alam II gjorde meningslösa försök att vända Mughal -nedgången och fick slutligen söka skydd för utomstående makter, dvs från Afghanistans emir, Ahmed Shah Abdali, vilket ledde till det tredje slaget vid Panipat mellan Maratha -riket och Afghaner ledda av Abdali 1761. År 1771 erövrade Marathas Delhi från afghansk kontroll och 1784 blev de officiellt kejsarens beskyddare i Delhi, [35] ett tillstånd som fortsatte fram till efter det tredje Anglo-Maratha-kriget. Därefter blev det brittiska East India Company beskyddare av Mughal -dynastin i Delhi. [34] Efter ett förkrossande nederlag i kriget 1857–1858 som han nominellt ledde, avsattes den sista Mughal, Bahadur Shah Zafar, av British East India Company och landsförvisades 1858. Genom Government of India Act 1858 British Crown tog direkt kontroll över Indien i form av den nya brittiska Raj. År 1876 tog den brittiska drottningen Victoria titeln kejsarinnan i Indien.

Förklaringar till avslag

Historiker har gett många förklaringar till Mughal -rikets snabba kollaps mellan 1707 och 1720, efter ett sekel av tillväxt och välstånd. I skattemässiga termer förlorade tronen de intäkter som behövdes för att betala sina överbefäl, emirerna (adelsmännen) och deras följe. Kejsaren förlorade auktoriteten, eftersom de spridda kejserliga officerarna förlorade förtroendet för de centrala myndigheterna och gjorde sina egna affärer med lokala inflytelserika män. Den kejserliga armén, fastnat i långa, meningslösa krig mot de mer aggressiva marathorna, förlorade sin stridsanda. Slutligen kom en rad våldsamma politiska strider om kontrollen över tronen. Efter avrättningen av kejsaren Farrukhsiyar 1719 tog lokala Mughal -efterträdarstater makten i region efter region. [36]

Samtida krönikörer beklagade förfallet de bevittnade, ett tema som togs upp av de första brittiska historikerna som ville understryka behovet av en brittisk ledd föryngring. [37]

Sedan 1970 -talet har historiker tagit flera tillvägagångssätt för nedgången, med liten konsensus om vilken faktor som var dominerande. De psykologiska tolkningarna betonar fördärv på höga platser, överdriven lyx och allt smalare åsikter som lämnade härskarna oförberedda på en yttre utmaning. En marxistisk skola (ledd av Irfan Habib och baserad vid Aligarh Muslim University) betonar överdriven exploatering av bönderna från de rika, vilket tog bort viljan och medlen för att stödja regimen. [38] Karen Leonard har fokuserat på att regimen misslyckats med att arbeta med hinduiska bankirer, vars ekonomiska stöd alltmer behövdes och bankirerna sedan hjälpte Maratha och britterna. [39] I en religiös tolkning hävdar vissa forskare att de hinduiska Rajputterna gjorde uppror mot muslimsk styre. [40] Slutligen hävdar andra forskare att själva rikets välstånd inspirerade provinserna att uppnå en hög grad av självständighet, vilket försvagade den kejserliga domstolen. [41]


Innehåll

Aurangzeb föddes den 3 november 1618 i Dahod, Gujarat. Han var den tredje sonen och sjätte barnet till Shah Jahan och Mumtaz Mahal. [35] I juni 1626, efter ett misslyckat uppror av sin far, hölls Aurangzeb och hans bror Dara Shukoh som gisslan under deras farföräldrars (Nur Jahan och Jahangir) Lahore domstol. Den 26 februari 1628 förklarades Shah Jahan officiellt som Mughal kejsare, och Aurangzeb återvände för att bo hos sina föräldrar på Agra Fort, där Aurangzeb fick sin formella utbildning i arabiska och persiska. Hans dagpenning fastställdes till Rs. 500, som han spenderade på religiös utbildning och historiestudier.

Den 28 maj 1633 flydde Aurangzeb från döden när en mäktig krigselefant stampade genom kejserlägret i Mughal. Han red mot elefanten och slog i stammen med en lans, [36] och försvarade sig framgångsrikt från att bli krossad. Aurangzebs tapperhet uppskattades av hans far som gav honom titeln Bahadur (Modig) och lät honom väga i guld och presenterade gåvor värda Rs. 200 000. Denna händelse firades i persiska och urduverser, och Aurangzeb sa: [37] [ förtydligande behövs ]

Om (elefant) -striden hade slutat ödesdigert för mig hade det inte varit en skamfråga. Döden släpper ridån även om kejsare är det ingen vanära. Skammen låg i vad mina bröder gjorde!

Bundelakriget

Aurangzeb var nominellt ansvarig för den styrka som skickades till Bundelkhand i avsikt att dämpa den upproriska härskaren i Orchha, Jhujhar Singh, som hade attackerat ett annat territorium i strid med Shah Jahans politik och vägrade att sona för hans handlingar. Efter överenskommelse stannade Aurangzeb bakom, bort från striderna, och tog råd från sina generaler när Mughal -armén samlades och inledde belägringen av Orchha 1635. Kampanjen lyckades och Singh avlägsnades från makten. [38]

Viceroy av Deccan

Aurangzeb utsågs till underkungen av Deccan 1636. [40] Efter att Shah Jahans vasaller hade blivit förstörda av den alarmerande expansionen av Ahmednagar under Nizam Shahis pojkeprins Murtaza Shah III, skickade kejsaren Aurangzeb, som 1636 förde med sig Nizam Shahi -dynastin till ett slut. [41] 1637 gifte sig Aurangzeb med safavidprinsessan Dilras Banu Begum, postumt känd som Rabia-ud-Daurani. Hon var hans första fru och chefskonsort samt hans favorit. [42] [43] [44] Han hade också en förälskelse i en slavinna, Hira Bai, vars död i ung ålder påverkade honom mycket. På sin ålderdom var han under charm av sin bihustru, Udaipuri Bai. Den senare hade tidigare varit en följeslagare till Dara Shukoh. [45] Samma år, 1637, placerades Aurangzeb för att annektera det lilla Rajput -riket Baglana, vilket han gjorde med lätthet. [19]

År 1644 brändes Aurangzebs syster, Jahanara, när kemikalierna i hennes parfym antändes av en närliggande lampa i Agra. Denna händelse utlöste en familjekris med politiska konsekvenser. Aurangzeb led sin fars missnöje genom att inte återvända till Agra omedelbart utan snarare tre veckor senare. Shah Jahan hade vårdat Jahanara tillbaka till hälsan under den tiden och tusentals vasaller hade anlänt till Agra för att visa respekt. [ citat behövs ] Shah Jahan var upprörd över att se Aurangzeb komma in i det inre palatset i militärdräkt och avskedade honom omedelbart från sin position som vicekung för Deccan Aurangzeb fick inte längre använda röda tält eller att associera sig med den officiella militära standarden för Mughal kejsare. [ citat behövs ] Andra källor berättar att Aurangzeb avskedades från sin position eftersom Aurangzeb lämnade lyxlivet och blev en faqir. [46]

År 1645 avstängdes han från hovet i sju månader och nämnde sin sorg för andra Mughal -befälhavare. Därefter utnämnde Shah Jahan honom till guvernör i Gujarat, där han tjänade bra och belönades för att ge stabilitet. [ citat behövs ]

1647 flyttade Shah Jahan Aurangzeb från Gujarat för att bli guvernör i Balkh och ersatte en yngre son, Murad Baksh, som hade visat sig vara ineffektiv där. Området attackerades av uzbekiska och turkmeniska stammar. Medan Mughal -artilleriet och musketterna var en formidabel kraft, så var också deras motståndares skärmförmåga. De två sidorna var i dödläge och Aurangzeb upptäckte att hans armé inte kunde leva av landet, som var förstört av krig. Med vintern började han och hans far göra ett i stort sett otillfredsställande avtal med uzbekarna och ge bort territorium i utbyte mot nominellt erkännande av Mughals suveränitet. Mughalstyrkan led ännu mer med attacker från uzbeker och andra stammedlemmar när de drog sig tillbaka genom snön till Kabul. Vid slutet av denna tvååriga kampanj, där Aurangzeb hade störtats i ett sent skede, hade en enorm summa pengar spenderats för liten vinst. [47]

Ytterligare olyckliga militära engagemang följde, då Aurangzeb utsågs till guvernör i Multan och Sindh. Hans ansträngningar 1649 och 1652 för att släppa bort safaviderna i Kandahar, som de nyligen hade återtagit efter ett decennium av Mughal -kontroll, slutade båda i misslyckande när vintern närmade sig. The logistical problems of supplying an army at the extremity of the empire, combined with the poor quality of armaments and the intransigence of the opposition have been cited by John Richards as the reasons for failure, and a third attempt in 1653, led by Dara Shikoh, met with the same outcome. [48]

Aurangzeb became viceroy of the Deccan again after he was replaced by Dara Shukoh in the attempt to recapture Kandahar. Aurangzeb regretted this and harboured feelings that Shikoh had manipulated the situation to serve his own ends. Aurangbad's two jagirs (land grants) were moved there as a consequence of his return and, because the Deccan was a relatively impoverished area, this caused him to lose out financially. So poor was the area that grants were required from Malwa and Gujarat in order to maintain the administration and the situation caused ill-feeling between father and son. Shah Jahan insisted that things could be improved if Aurangzeb made efforts to develop cultivation. [49] Aurangzeb appointed Murshid Quli Khan [ citat behövs ] to extend to the Deccan the zabt revenue system used in northern India. Murshid Quli Khan organised a survey of agricultural land and a tax assessment on what it produced. To increase revenue, Murshid Quli Khan granted loans for seed, livestock, and irrigation infrastructure. The Deccan returned to prosperity, [40] [50]

Aurangzeb proposed to resolve the situation by attacking the dynastic occupants of Golconda (the Qutb Shahis) and Bijapur (the Adil Shahis). As an adjunct to resolving the financial difficulties, the proposal would also extend Mughal influence by accruing more lands. [49] Aurangzeb advanced against the Sultan of Bijapur and besieged Bidar. De Kiladar (governor or captain) of the fortified city, Sidi Marjan, was mortally wounded when a gunpowder magazine exploded. After twenty-seven days of hard fighting, Bidar was captured by the Mughals and Aurangzeb continued his advance. [51] Again, he was to feel that Dara had exerted influence on his father: believing that he was on the verge of victory in both instances, Aurangzeb was frustrated that Shah Jahan chose then to settle for negotiations with the opposing forces rather than pushing for complete victory. [49]

War of Succession

The four sons of Shah Jahan all held governorships during their father's reign. The emperor favoured the eldest, Dara Shukoh. [52] This had caused resentment among the younger three, who sought at various times to strengthen alliances between themselves and against Dara. There was no Mughal tradition of primogeniture, the systematic passing of rule, upon an emperor's death, to his eldest son. [49] Instead it was customary for sons to overthrow their father and for brothers to war to the death among themselves. [53] Historian Satish Chandra says that "In the ultimate resort, connections among the powerful military leaders, and military strength and capacity [were] the real arbiters". [49] The contest for power was primarily between Dara Shikoh and Aurangzeb because, although all four sons had demonstrated competence in their official roles, it was around these two that the supporting cast of officials and other influential people mostly circulated. [54] There were ideological differences — Dara was an intellectual and a religious liberal in the mould of Akbar, while Aurangzeb was much more conservative — but, as historians Barbara D. Metcalf and Thomas R. Metcalf say, "To focus on divergent philosophies neglects the fact that Dara was a poor general and leader. It also ignores the fact that factional lines in the succession dispute were not, by and large, shaped by ideology." [55] Marc Gaborieau, professor of Indian studies at l'École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, [56] explains that "The loyalties of [officials and their armed contingents] seem to have been motivated more by their own interests, the closeness of the family relation and above all the charisma of the pretenders than by ideological divides." [53] Muslims and Hindus did not divide along religious lines in their support for one pretender or the other nor, according to Chandra, is there much evidence to support the belief that Jahanara and other members of the royal family were split in their support. Jahanara, certainly, interceded at various times on behalf of all of the princes and was well-regarded by Aurangzeb even though she shared the religious outlook of Dara. [57]

In 1656, a general under Qutb Shahi dynasty named Musa Khan led an army of 12,000 musketeers to attack Aurangzeb, [ where? ] and later on the same campaign Aurangzeb, in turn, rode against an army consisting 8,000 horsemen and 20,000 Karnataka musketeers. [58]

Having made clear that he wanted Dara to succeed him, Shah Jahan became ill with stranguary in 1657 and was closeted under the care of his favourite son in the newly built city of Shahjahanabad (Old Delhi). Rumours of the death of Shah Jahan abounded and the younger sons were concerned that Dara might be hiding it for Machiavellian reasons. Thus, they took action: Shah Shuja In Bengal, where he had been governor since 1637, Prince Muhammad Shuja crowned himself King at RajMahal, and brought his cavalry, artillery and river flotilla upriver towards Agra. Near Varanasi his forces confronted a defending army sent from Delhi under the command of Prince Sulaiman Shukoh, son of Dara Shukoh, and Raja Jai Singh [59] while Murad did the same in his governorship of Gujarat and Aurangzeb did so in the Deccan. It is not known whether these preparations were made in the mistaken belief that the rumours of death were true or whether the challengers were just taking advantage of the situation. [49]

After regaining some of his health, Shah Jahan moved to Agra and Dara urged him to send forces to challenge Shah Shuja and Murad, who had declared themselves rulers in their respective territories. While Shah Shuja was defeated at Banares in February 1658, the army sent to deal with Murad discovered to their surprise that he and Aurangzeb had combined their forces, [57] the two brothers having agreed to partition the empire once they had gained control of it. [60] The two armies clashed at Dharmat in April 1658, with Aurangzeb being the victor. Shuja was being chased through Bihar and the victory of Aurangzeb proved this to be a poor decision by Dara Shikoh, who now had a defeated force on one front and a successful force unnecessarily pre-occupied on another. Realising that his recalled Bihar forces would not arrive at Agra in time to resist the emboldened Aurangzeb's advance, Dara scrambled to form alliances in order but found that Aurangzeb had already courted key potential candidates. When Dara's disparate, hastily concocted army clashed with Aurangzeb's well-disciplined, battle-hardened force at the Battle of Samugarh in late May, neither Dara's men nor his generalship were any match for Aurangzeb. Dara had also become over-confident in his own abilities and, by ignoring advice not to lead in battle while his father was alive, he cemented the idea that he had usurped the throne. [57] "After the defeat of Dara, Shah Jahan was imprisoned in the fort of Agra where he spent eight long years under the care of his favourite daughter Jahanara." [61]

Aurangzeb then broke his arrangement with Murad Baksh, which probably had been his intention all along. [60] Instead of looking to partition the empire between himself and Murad, he had his brother arrested and imprisoned at Gwalior Fort. Murad was executed on 4 December 1661, ostensibly for the murder of the diwan of Gujarat sometime earlier. The allegation was encouraged by Aurangzeb, who caused the diwan's son to seek retribution for the death under the principles of Sharia law. [62] Meanwhile, Dara gathered his forces, and moved to the Punjab. The army sent against Shuja was trapped in the east, its generals Jai Singh and Dilir Khan submitted to Aurangzeb, but Dara's son, Suleiman Shikoh, escaped. Aurangzeb offered Shah Shuja the governorship of Bengal. This move had the effect of isolating Dara Shikoh and causing more troops to defect to Aurangzeb. Shah Shuja, who had declared himself emperor in Bengal began to annex more territory and this prompted Aurangzeb to march from Punjab with a new and large army that fought during the Battle of Khajwa, where Shah Shuja and his chain-mail armoured war elephants were routed by the forces loyal to Aurangzeb. Shah Shuja then fled to Arakan (in present-day Burma), where he was executed by the local rulers. [63]

With Shuja and Murad disposed of, and with his father immured in Agra, Aurangzeb pursued Dara Shikoh, chasing him across the north-western bounds of the empire. Aurangzeb claimed that Dara was no longer a Muslim [ citat behövs ] and accused him of poisoning the Mughal Grand Vizier Saadullah Khan. After a series of battles, defeats and retreats, Dara was betrayed by one of his generals, who arrested and bound him. In 1658, Aurangzeb arranged his formal coronation in Delhi.

On 10 August 1659, Dara was executed on grounds of apostasy and his head was sent to Shahjahan. [61] Having secured his position, Aurangzeb confined his frail father at the Agra Fort but did not mistreat him. Shah Jahan was cared for by Jahanara and died in 1666. [60]


In India, the Mughal Empire was one of the greatest empires ever. The Mughal Empire ruled hundreds of millions of people. India became united under one rule, and had very prosperous cultural and political years during the Mughal rule. There were many Muslim and Hindu kingdoms split all throughout India until the founders of the Mughal Empire came. There were some men such as Babar, grandson to the Great Asian conqueror Tamerlane and the conqueror Genghis Khan from the northern region of Ganges, river valley, who decided to take over Khyber, and eventually, all of India.

Babar (1526-1530):
the great grandson of Tamerlane and Genghis Khan, was the first Mughal emperor in India. He confronted and defeated Lodhi in 1526 at the first battle of Panipat, and so came to establish the Mughal Empire in India. Babar ruled until 1530, and was succeeded by his son Humayun.

Humayun (1530-1540 and 1555-1556):
the eldest son of Babar, succeeded his father and became the second emperor of the Mughal Empire. He ruled India for nearly a decade but was ousted by Sher Shah Suri, the Afghan ruler. Humayun wandered for about 15 years after his defeat. Meanwhile, Sher Shah Suri died and Humayun was able to defeat his successor, Sikandar Suri and regain his crown of the Hindustan. However, soon after, he died in 1556 at a young age of 48 years.

Sher Shah Suri (1540-1545):
was an Afghan leader who took over the Mughal Empire after defeating Humayun in 1540. Sher Shah occupied the throne of Delhi for not more than five years, but his reign proved to be a landmark in the Sub-continent. As a king, he has several achievements in his credit. He established an efficient public administration. He set up a revenue collection system based on the measurement of land. Justice was provided to the common man. Numerous civil works were carried out during his short reign planting of trees, wells and building of Sarai (inns) for travellers was done. Roads were laid it was under his rule that the Grand Trunk road from Delhi to Kabul was built. The currency was also changed to finely minted silver coins called Dam. However, Sher Shah did not survive long after his accession on the throne and died in 1545 after a short reign of five years.

Akbar (1556-1605):
Humayun's heir, Akbar, was born in exile and was only 13 years old when his father died. Akbar's reign holds a certain prominence in history he was the ruler who actually fortified the foundations of the Mughal Empire. After a series of conquests, he managed to subdue most of India. Areas not under the empire were designated as tributaries. He also adopted a conciliatory policy towards the Rajputs, hence reducing any threat from them. Akbar was not only a great conqueror, but a capable organizer and a great administrator as well. He set up a host of institutions that proved to be the foundation of an administrative system that operated even in British India. Akbar's rule also stands out due to his liberal policies towards the non-Muslims, his religious innovations, the land revenue system and his famous Mansabdari system. Akbar's Mansabdari system became the basis of Mughal military organization and civil administration.

Akbar died in 1605, nearly 50 years after his ascension to the throne, and was buried outside of Agra at Sikandra. His son Jehangir then assumed the throne.

Jehangir:
Akbar was succeeded by his son, Salim, who took the title of Jehangir, meaning "Conqueror of the World". He married Mehr-un-Nisa whom he gave the title of Nur Jahan (light of the world). He loved her with blind passion and handed over the complete reins of administration to her. He expanded the empire through the addition of Kangra and Kistwar and consolidated the Mughal rule in Bengal. Jehangir lacked the political enterprise of his father Akbar. But he was an honest man and a tolerant ruler. He strived to reform society and was tolerant towards Hindus, Christians and Jews. However, relations with Sikhs were strained, and the fifth of the ten Sikh gurus, Arjun Dev, was executed at Jehangir's orders for giving aid and comfort to Khusrau, Jehangir's rebellious son. Art, literature, and architecture prospered under Jehangir's rule, and the Mughal gardens in Srinagar remain an enduring testimony to his artistic taste. He died in 1627.

Shah Jahan:
Jehangir was succeeded by his second son Khurram in 1628. Khurram took the name of Shah Jahan, i.e. the Emperor of the World. He further expanded his Empire to Kandhar in the north and conquered most of Southern India. The Mughal Empire was at its zenith during Shah Jahan's rule. This was due to almost 100 years of unparalleled prosperity and peace. As a result, during this reign, the world witnessed the unique development of arts and culture of the Mughal Empire. Shah Jahan has been called the "architect king". The Red Fort and the Jama Masjid, both in Delhi, stand out as towering achievements of both civil engineering and art. Yet above all else, Shah Jahan is remembered today for the Taj Mahal, the massive white marble mausoleum constructed for his wife Mumtaz Mahal along the banks of the Yamuna River in Agra.

Aurangzeb:
Aurangzeb ascended the throne in 1658 and ruled supreme till 1707. Thus Aurangzeb ruled for 50 years, matching Akbar's reign in longevity. But unfortunately he kept his five sons away from the royal court with the result that none of them was trained in the art of government. This proved to be very damaging for the Mughals later on. During his 50 years of rule, Aurangzeb tried to fulfill his ambition of bringing the entire Sub-continent under one rule. It was under him that the Mughal Empire reached its peak in matter of area. He worked hard for years but his health broke down in the end. He left behind no personal wealth when he died in 1707, at the age of 90 years. With his death, the forces of disintegration set in and the mighty Mughal empire started collapsing.


A history of Mughal-Rajput relations between the 16th and early 17th centuries

To understand the history of Mughal-Rajput relations we must understand the history of three dynasties who would come to dominate the Northern part of the Indian subcontinent between the 16th, 17th and early 18th centuries. To begin with we must take a look at the Mughals.

At the time when Babur first contemplated the idea of invading India he had already conquered Kabul. Zahir-ud-din Mohammed Babur, was the eldest of Umar Sheikh Mirza, who was governor of Ferghana, which is a region in eastern Uzbekistan. Babur was by lineage the great-great grandson of Timur. Babur's early military career was full of frustrations. Born in 1483, he had assumed the Throne of his father at age 12, in the year 1494. He conquered Samarkand two years later, only to lose Fergana soon after. In his attempts to reconquer Fergana, he lost control of Samarkand. In 1501, his attempt to recapture both the regions failed when Muhammad Shaybani Khan the founder of the Shaybanid dynasty, defeated him. He conquered Kabul, in 1504, after having being driven away from his patrimony and homeland. He formed an alliance with the Safavid Shah Ismail I, to take parts of Turkestan as well as Samarkand itself only to lose them again to the Shaybanids.

Hence, he had decided to give up on the dreams of taking back Ferghana and Samarkand and set his eyes on North India. At the time he had only thought of conquering the Punjab region. A task he accomplished in his second campaign in 1525, after a short campaign in 1519. Thus, at this juncture, we the political situation in North India was ripe for conflict and power changes. In Punjab, Babur prepared for a march towards Delhi to take it and all the realms under the rule of the Lodi Dynasty from Ibrahim Lodi who was currently the sultan of the Delhi Sultanate, whose own relatives, Daulat Khan Lodi and Alauddin had invited Babur to invade the Delhi Sultanate. Under the Lodi Dynasty the Sultanate had lost most of its eastern and southern as well as western territories and Ibrahim ruled over merely the Upper Gangetic plains. Meanwhile, a third contender for power and perhaps bigger threat to Babur's rise was looming in the Rajputana, in the form of the Rajput Confederacy, which was the first of its kind since the reign of Prithviraj Chauhan. This Confederacy was formed under the auspicious leadership of Rana Sangram Singh, of House Sisodiya of Mewar which had risen in prestige and power at the cost of neighbouring Malwa and Gujurati Sultanates during the reign of Rana Sangram other wise known as Rana Sanga.

The following events are well known, Babur defeated the Lodis at Panipat and then faced the Rajputs at Khanwa in 1527. However after his victories at Chanderi and at Ghaghra, he soon died leaving the Empire to his son Humayun whose reign was turbulent and prospects uncertain until his son Akbar assumed the Throne.

Now let us look at the Sisodias of Mewar. This house of Rajputs traces it's origins from the legendary Suryavnshi lineage. But while records to back up such claims are obviously questionable, the historical foundation of this dynasty lies in the rise of Rana Hammir Singh, the founder of the Sisodiya Cadet Branch of the Guhila dynasty. The Guhila dynasty was extinguished by Alauddin Khalji after he besieged and conquered Chittor in 1303, their capital. But Rana Hammir Singh had taken back Chittor and since then reclaimed control of the region and re-established the dynasty under its cadet branch of the Sisodias by 1326. Owing to the legendary exploits of their kings and being one of the few Hindu noble houses that had remained independent during the successive reigns of various dynasties at the helm of the Delhi Sultanate, the House of Mewar carried weight amongst Rajput nobility.

Apart from Rana Hammir Singh, two rulers in particular, Rana Kumbharna Singh (1433-1468) and his great grandson Rana Sangram Singh (1508-1528), had raised the prestige of the House of Mewar to astronomical heights by not only defeating neighbouring Sultanates in Gujurat, Nagaur, Delhi and Malwa, but infact under the reign of Rana Sangram, actually conquering Gujurat and Malwa. Therefore, by 1526, most Rajput states had formed a Confederacy under the leadership of Rana Sanga. Ofcourse, following his defeat the Confederacy fell apart and while the house of Mewar still held a high place on the Rajput and indeed the Indian sociopolitical stage, there would never again be such a untied political front offered by the Rajputs.

In terms of the motivations and objectives of the Confederacy, it could be said that the Confederacy was buoyed together towards the political wills of the Rana of Mewar. Rana Sanga had made a policy to attack and acquire the territories of his kingdom's old enemies such as the Sultanates of Delhi, Gujurat, Nagaur and Malwa, and at the same time remove any traces of Turkic or Afghan dominion in North India. Therefore, it would be safe to say that had Babur not invaded Delhi and taken the Upper Ganga Valley, the Rana would have quite soon. Among the many noble houses that had joined the Rajput Confederacy was the next dynasty which will complete the puzzle to understanding the key players in North India and Mughal-Rajput history.

This was the Kachwahas of Amber. This dynasty claimed it's descent from the son Kush of the legendary King Rama of Ayodhya. Their ancestors allegedly migrated from Rama's kingdom of Kosala and established a new dynasty at Gwalior. After 31 generations, they moved to Rajputana and created a kingdom at Dhundhar. Dullah Rai, one of the ancestors of the Kachwaha rulers, defeated the Meenas of Manchi and Amber and later completed the conquest of Dhundhar by defeating the Bargurjars of Dausa and Deoti. However, in the early 16th century, they were conquered and vassalised by the Rathore ruler Maldeo of the kingdom of Marwar.

In 1527, the ruler of Amber who had joined the Rajput Confederacy was Prithviraj Singh I. Prithviraj had fought at Khanwa and like Rana Sanga, died soon afterwards, being succeeded by his son Puranmal. After Puranmal's succession, which was quite controversial, the Kachwaha domain became unstable over disputes regarding the succession of Puranmal to the Throne. This problem was only further exacerbated by neighbouring Rajput kingdoms that sought to capitalise on the situation. While accounts about Puranmal seeking the aid of Humayun are varying and quite contradictory we know for sure that after Puranmal, his brother Bhim Singh assumed the Throne. Bhim only reigned three and a half years before dying on 22 July 1537. He was succeeded in quick succession by two sons, Ratan Singh and Askaran, before the throne eventually passed to his younger brother Bharmal in 1548.

It is here that we arrive at a crucial juncture in Mughal-Rajput relations. In Mewar, the reigns were assumed by the 4th son of Rana Sanga, Maharana Udai Singh II, under whose reign the capital of Chittor was lost to Akbar in 1568 and the capital was shifted to Udaipur. Here his son, Maharana Pratap assumed the Throne after Udai died in 1572. Meanwhile, Akbar had overthrown his guardian Bairam Khan who had grown too ambitious and controlling and at the age of 18, the young Baadshaah of the Mughal Empire removed Bairam from service and continued his expeditions by directly controlling all affairs from 1560 onwards. Meanwhile, in 1562, the situation became critical for the Kachwahas of Amber when Mirza Muhammad Sharaf-ud-din Hussain was appointed Mughal governor of Mewat. Mirza led a large army to Amber which Bharmal could not resist. Mirza forced the Kachwahas to leave Amber and live in forests and hills. Bharmal promised a fixed tribute to Mirza and handed over his own son, Jagannath, and his nephews, Raj Singh and Khangar Singh, as hostages for its due payment. When Sharaf-ud-din was preparing to invade Amber again, Bharmal met Akbar's courtier, Chaghtai Khan. Fortunately, for Bharmal, Akbar was at Karavali (a village near Agra) on his way from Agra to Ajmer (on a pilgrimage to the dargah of Khwaja Moinuddin Chisti). Bharmal himself met Akbar at his camp at Sanganer on 20 January 1562. Here, Bharmal proposed a marriage between Akbar and his eldest daughter Hira Kunwari. Therefore, when Akbar agreed, the Kachwahas were now relatives of Akbar, Bharmal was his father-in-law and was on par with the highest Muslim nobles of the Empire. Hence, Sharaf-ud-din Mirza, returned to Bharmal his lands and relatives and in the following years, the Kachwahas rendered unwavering service to the Mughals while they themselves enjoyed the highest salaries, status and prestige the Empire had to offer.

Hence, The House of Mewar, still held in the highest esteem by all Rajput nobility was in a period of decline and The House of Amber had united with the Mughals. Raja Bharmal was succeeded by his son Raja Bhagwant Das in 1574. He served as Akbar's General and was awarded a rank or mansab of 5000 along with the title of Amir-ul-Umra. He fought battles in Punjab, Kashmir where he decisively defeated the Kashmiri King Yousuf Shah Chak and Afghanistan as well and he held the governorship of Kabul. His daughter Manbhawati Bai was married off to the Mughal Prince and future Emperor Jehangir. He died in 1589 being succeeded by his son Raja Man Singh.

Raja Man Singh, assumed the Throne of Amber in 1589, but he had served with distinction at the Battle of Haldighati 1576 against the Maharana of Mewar, Maharana Pratap in a legendary battle, and in other campaigns as well. The reason why Akbar wanted to conquer Rajputana and especially Mewar was because with Mewar and the Rajputs at his flanks, his empire would never be secure, a fact he had learned by learning about the experiences of the Delhi Sultanate and their fruitless tussle with the Sisodiya dynasty. Yet, in his lifetime, Akbar could not conquer Mewar. Even after being defeated at Haldighati, where his army of 3000-4000 Rajputs and allied Bhils (400 men approx.), was defeated by Man Singh who commanded the Imperial Mughal Army roughly 8000-10,000 in numbers, Pratap Singh endured and by the end of his reign, he scored a decisive victory against the Mughals at Dewair in 1582 and took back Western Mewar including Kumbhalgarh, Udaipur and Gogunda through guerilla warfare and even destroyed newly built mosques in these regions in retaliation. He died in 1597.

After his death, his son Maharana Amar Singh I (r. 1597-1620) assumed the Throne and followed his father's policy of resisting Mughal overlordship. Amar Singh continued to resist the Mughals and it was clear that he could not be taken in a battle, so Mewar was devastated financially and in manpower due to the policy of Shah Jahan (son of Jahangir, Jahangir had become Emperor in 1605 after Akbar's death) , to scorch the lands of Mewar and make it incapable of supporting the efforts of Amar Singh. Finally, in 1615, Amar Singh submitted to the Mughals. Mewar including Chittor was assigned to him as Watan Jagir or hereditary patrimony. He secured a favourable peace treaty and it was ensured that Mewar would never bend his knee to the Mughal Emperors or serve at his court personally nor would the House of Mewar enter into matrimonial relations with the Mughals.

Hence, we see a clear policy emerging from the Mughals towards the Rajputs since the reign of Akbar. The first, religious tolerance and engagement at a political level, treating them as warriors and nobles on par with the Iranis or Turks in the Imperial service. The second, realising that the prestige of Mewar and the potential of the Rajputs uniting once again was an ever present threat and therefore it was better to assuage them. Third, following a policy of providing high posts and port folios to Rajput nobles who allied or accepted Mughal suzerainty. Fourth, matrimonial relations were never the prerequisite for such alliances as many Rajputs had previously simply accepted Mughal suzerainty and had acquired high posts for themselves.

Now in terms of contemporary social perceptions of such events,the attitudes in Rajputana and in general accross North India were shaped by the actions and decisions of the Rajput houses of Mewar and Amber. While Mewar only grew in prestige as the last stronghold and symbol of strength and resistance for the more conservative elements in Hindu society, the House of Amber was universally recognised as a house which produced some of the finest administrators and generals the Empire would ever know. And yet, the more conservative elements in Hindu society saw the House of Amber as traitors, ofcourse such opinions were never discussed in front of the Amber Rajas.

Until the reign of Aurangzeb, the Rajputs were more or less, united under the Mughal cause. The Kings Of Amber, fought and led expeditions as far west and Afghanistan and Qandahar and as east as Bengal and Odissa. Here are a few examples of their exploits :

In 1585, Man Singh I was sent to conquer Afghanistan and silence the rebels there. Man Singh decisively defeated five major tribes of the Afghans including Yusufzai and "Mandar" tribes. The flag of Amber was changed from "Katchanar" (green climber in white base) to "Pachranga" (five colored) to commemorate this victory. This flag continued in use until accession of Jaipur state in India. This permanently crushed the revolt and the area remained peaceful thereafter.

In 1586 CE, Akbar sent another army under Raja Bhagwant Das, father of Prince Man Singh I to win Kashmir. Kashmir was included in the Mughal Empire and made a Sarkar (district) of Kabul province.

Man Singh I also conquered Bihar in similar fashion. Abul Fazl has described Man Singhs campaign in Bihar in the following words. "The Raja united ability with courage and genius with strenuous action".

Man Singh after conquering Bihar was ordered to defeat the Afghan Sultan Qatlu Khan Lohani of Orissa, Man Singh set out for Orissa on April 1590. By 1592, Odissa was also conquered by him.

His grandson Jai Singh I (r. 1621 - 1667), was another great General of the Mughal Empire. He was the second Raja to receive the title Mirza Raja, the first being his grandfather Man Singh I who received it from Akbar. During his career he served first in the Deccan, subduing the Gonds and then in Central Asia, fighting at Kandahar in the Mughal-Safavid wars and at Balkh.

Jai Singh, who had begun his own military career in the Deccan, was then appointed to lead a 14,000 strong army against Shivaji. And in 1665, he forced Shivaji to sign the Treaty of Purandar being the only noble in the Empire to subdue the Maratha King. Although the opportunity his victories provided were made meaningless thanks to Aurangzeb's inability to compromise on his orthodox beliefs and accept Shivaji into his court with proper honours.

In conclusion, until the reign of Aurangzeb, whose interference into the succession matters of Rajput states, a matter which was left to the Rajputs by Akbar himself, the Rajputs, especially the house of Amber, continued to serve the Empire with loyalty and distinction. Both to serve the interests of the Empire and the interests of their own houses and kingdoms as well.

"A History of Jaipur" by Sir Jadunath Sarkar

"Shivaji and His Times" By Jadunath Sarkar

" Medieval India: From Sultanat to the Mughals (1206–1526) Part 2" by Satish Chandra

"Akbarnama" by Abu'l-Fazl ibn Mubarak, Henry Beveridge (Trans.)

"A Military History of India" by Sir Jadunath Sarkar

"History and Culture of the Indian People Volume VII : The Mughal Empire" by R.C Majumdar


Islamic Calligraphy & Textiles

The textile industry thrived during Aurangzeb’s reign. It employed hundreds of artisans across South Asia, who created intricate works of silk and brocade. Turbans, carpets, shawls, and other finely embroidered textiles were highly valued. Some were even exported to Europe through trading channels. Aurangzeb also patronized Islamic calligraphy and was himself an accomplished calligraphist.

The Decline of Mughal Arts under Aurangzeb: Floor spread, ca. 18th century, Mughal Empire (India) © LACMA, Los Angeles, CA, USA.

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Token status of the Mughal throne - History

In South Asia today, we see Muslim and Hindu cultures as worlds apart, but this was not always the case in the history of the Subcontinent.

Recently, I read a section of the Akbarnama (Tale of Akbar) where both Hindu and Muslim astrologers were asked to cast the Emperor Akbar’s horoscope. Though I did not bat an eyelid at such an occurrence, I was reminded of a comment made by a student in Pakistan five years ago that has stayed with me ever since: “Mughal badshah asal mein mussalmaan nahin thhe, is liay unko Hinduon say koi masla nahin tha.” [The Mughals had no problem with Hindus since they were not really Muslims.]

Neither at the time nor now do I fault my student for this comment. My student was merely echoing a pervasive viewpoint from his social context far removed from my own intellectual world.

Collaboration and intimacy between Hindus and Muslims is a settled issue amongst Mughal historians, even as communalist politics continues to unsettle South Asia today. However, research findings by Mughal historians are often inaccessible to the public, especially in Pakistan, due to limited resources and avenues for history, education and public discourse. To bridge this gap, here is a viewpoint based on evidence and conclusions from decades of research by Mughal historians in North America, Europe and India.

The Mughals were Muslim rulers who saw no contradiction but sought peace and prosperity in collaboration and intimacy with Hindus and other faith communities. The Mughal state was neither secular nor was Islam its sole state religion. The temptation of imposing the categories of modern South Asian states on the pre-modern past should be avoided.

Decades of research by Mughal historians have established collaboration and intimacy between Hindus and Muslims, even as communalist politics unsettles South Asia today

The Mughals identified as Muslims alongside employing, marrying, and engaging those from other faith communities. They sponsored and participated in rituals and festivals we today associate with Hindus, Zoroastrians and other faiths. This political philosophy was called sulh-i kull (peace with all).

As Muslim rulers, why did the Mughals have no problem with Hindus? There are at least three explanations offered across research in Mughal history:

1) The Mughals became Indian. The first Mughal, Babur, was curious about India’s society and environment, yet nostalgic for his home in Central Asia. Babur particularly longed for Ferghana Valley’s famous peaches, as illustrated by Stephen F. Dale in The Garden of the Eight Paradises. Two generations later, his grandson Akbar was at home in India. He married Hindu Rajput women and made India his emotional world. Akbar requested his court poet Faizi specifically for a story about love in India, leading to the first Persian translation of the Nal Daman, according to historian Muzaffar Alam.

Akbar’s grandson Shah Jahan was three-quarter Rajput by blood. Less than two hundred years later, the last Mughal ruler, Bahadur Shah Zafar II, lamented the loss of his homeland, India, while in exile in Burma in his famous verse: lagta nahin hai dil mera ujrray dayaar mein/Kis ki bani hai ‘aalam-i-na-payedaar mein (My heart has no repose in this isolated valley/ Who has gotten by in a futile world).

Alongside becoming Indian, the Mughals saw no conflict in being of Central Asian origin and also located themselves within broader Persianate and Islamic realms. Azfar Moin has shown in his 2012 work, The Millennial Sovereign, that Mongol descent was key for Mughal claims to divine kingship at the turn of the Islamic millenium. In a recent book, Persianate Selves, Mana Kia illustrates that scholars at the Mughal court saw themselves as part of a shared Persianate geography, transcending the modern national constructions of Iran, India, Afghanistan and Central Asia. Trade, pilgrimage and knowledge provided continued links between the Mughals, their successor states and the larger Islamic world, as several works by Nile Green attest and the forthcoming works of Rishad Choudhury and Usman Hamid will demonstrate. All four identities — Indian, Central Asian, Persianate and Islamic — were hence claimed by the Mughals, without the contestations we would encounter today.

2) Religious difference with Hindus was not a political faultline for the Mughals or preceding Muslim rulers. The Mughals did not view Hindus as their political rivals by virtue of their religion. Mughal rule was characterised by long-lasting curiosity and respect for Indian knowledge systems, alongside collaborative governance with Hindus and other faith communities. On many occasions, the lines of difference were even blurred, as we shall see below. Books in recent years by Audrey Truschke and Rajeev Kinra convincingly show that both Sanskrit knowledge and Brahmin bureaucrats had a high status at the Mughal court. Akbar’s finance minister, Raja Todar Mal, was valued for bringing the best practices of the Rajputs to shape Mughal economic policies.

Aurangzeb’s conflict with Rajput nobles was not religiously motivated, as M. Athar Ali successfully demonstrates in his 1966 book The Mughal Nobility Under Aurangzeb. Rather, Aurangzeb redistributed administrative assignments from the Rajputs to a rising local nobility in the Deccan in order to consolidate his political power. Munis D. Faruqui shows in his 2012 book The Princes of the Mughal Empire 1504–1719 that, for Mughal princes, strengthening local alliances through collaboration and marriage proved to be a make-or-break factor as they contended for the Mughal throne.

Historians have also successfully challenged the notion that mediaeval Muslim conquests of India occurred to wipe out infidels. In A Book of Conquest, Mannan Ahmed Asif argues that the arrival of Muhammad bin Qasim did not obliterate local practices but rather Islamic and Indic political ethics converged in mediaeval Sindh. Earlier, Romila Thapar demonstrates that the looting of Hindu temples was a financially-motivated practice of mediaeval warfare amongst Hindus and Muslims, often to pay mercenary soldiers from temple treasuries. The looting of the Somnath temple by Mahmud of Ghazni in 1026 was, by no means, an exceptional act of violence by a Muslim invader.

3) Islam in Mughal and mediaeval India took many shapes in conversation and contact with a range of local beliefs and practices. Several historians have written about inter-religious and inter-sectarian exchange under the Mughals and in earlier periods. Historian Supriya Gandhi has shown in The Emperor Who Never Was that Dara Shikoh’s political philosophy and personal spirituality were constituted by both Sufi and Vedantic ideas. This was part of a longer tradition of dialogue on philosophical and ethical concerns, between different faith communities at the Mughal court as the work of Corinne Lefevre on the Majalis-i Jahangiri illustrates.

Similarly, there is emerging evidence of Shia and Sunni intellectual collaboration alongside theological debate in Mughal India, as well as interconnections between Sufism and Islamic law. In An Indian Economic & Social History Review, Ali Anooshahr has recently shown that a steady stream of Shia and Sunni scholars from Iran and Central Asia arrived at Mughal and regional courts. A notable example is Mir Fathullah Shirazi, who developed military cannons and contributed to astronomy, law and financial administration. In his forthcoming work, Daniel Jacobius Morgan shows the interconnection between Shariah-minded legalism and Sufi mysticism, through the works of Shah Waliullah’s family.

Moving beyond the Mughal context, in Monsoon Islam, Sebastian Prange illuminates how mediaeval Muslim communities on the Malabar Coast forged varying traditions from other regions in South Asia, based on trade and the environment. In a study from an even earlier period, Finbarr B. Flood illustrates, through changes in architecture, objects and coins, that mediaeval Muslim cultures in South Asia assumed distinct forms based on encounters with regional Hindu and Buddhist practices.

Decades of research on Mughal and mediaeval history disprove an increasingly pervasive viewpoint of cultural incompatibility and religious difference amongst Muslims and Hindus. This misperception was initially perpetuated by colonial policies and solidified by South Asia’s many partitions.

Unfortunately, this misperception has been further strengthened by anti-Muslim sentiments and policies across the border in Modi’s India. Perhaps, the next time nationalists attempt to halt the construction of a Hindu temple in Pakistan or Muslims are maligned and killed for beef consumption and temples are constructed on razed mosque sites in India, we can turn to our shared Mughal past as an alternative model for Muslim-Hindu relations.

Mariam Sabri is a PhD Candidate at the University of California Berkeley, specialising in Mughal history and the history of science